Material by the Agency for Legislative Initiatives for LB.ua
On 15 June, the European Union opened the first and most difficult negotiating cluster in its accession talks with Ukraine. This not only recognises the progress Ukraine has made during the full-scale invasion, but also reminds us of the scale of the ‘homework’ that remains on the path towards EU membership.
Ukraine’s further progress on EU integration depends largely on the Verkhovna Rada’s ability to adopt legislation. Some laws are directly linked to tranches of macro-financial assistance. Others concern the approximation of Ukrainian legislation to EU law. In particular areas, Ukrainian rules must therefore correspond to those of the EU, including through common terminology, mechanisms and instruments for exercising the rights conferred.
Objectives versus the Tools Needed to Achieve Them
The authorities’ plan is ambitious: to complete legislative alignment in 2027. This will require the preparation and adoption of almost 300 new EU integration laws. The National Programme for the Adaptation of Ukrainian Legislation to EU Law sets out this task and is intended to guide the Government on what must be adopted and when. The Verkhovna Rada generally supports the document, but problems arise when it comes to voting.
At the same time, Ukraine has no modern framework law on European integration. The Law of Ukraine ‘On the National Programme for the Adaptation of Ukrainian Legislation to the Legislation of the European Union’, adopted as far back as 2004, is not adequate for this task. Although it defines general approaches and institutional mechanisms, it has not been amended to reflect Ukraine’s accession process. In other words, Parliament has not developed new rules since Ukraine was granted EU candidate status and accession negotiations began.
A gap has therefore emerged between the scale of the new tasks and the tools available to perform them. A modern law defining responsibilities for state policy on European integration would end MPs’ endless search for their place in the process and could strengthen their oversight of the Government. Since the European integration course was enshrined in the Constitution in 2019, there has been ample time to regulate an area in which the scale of legislative approximation is unprecedented.
It is therefore unsurprising that both society and MPs are sceptical about the prospect of adopting all EU integration legislation by the end of 2027. In 2026, Parliament adopted only eight EU integration laws, counting only those with the relevant designation in their draft law records. If the pace of the past year continues, Ukraine may join the EU in 75 years.
The slow pace reflects both institutional fatigue and flawed Government initiatives that MPs have to revise in Parliament. They appear trapped. They can either become scapegoats by voting for poor-quality laws and unpopular decisions, or refuse to vote, jeopardising Ukraine’s access to loan financing and disrupting the legislative alignment timetable. Yet the issue is not only the speed or number of legislative initiatives adopted. The quality of Parliament’s legislative work and the organisation and planning of the process are equally important.
Searching for Political Will and a Shared Vision
The Verkhovna Rada appears to lack a common vision for a procedure to adopt EU integration legislation that reflects the positions of all political forces represented in Parliament. MPs themselves have different views of Parliament’s role. This was also demonstrated by the registration of a draft resolution to dismiss the chair of the relevant European integration committee. It was, however, withdrawn almost immediately after registration.
The Verkhovna Rada has failed even partially to address the problem by amending its Rules of Procedure to introduce a separate procedure for adopting EU integration draft laws. Draft law No. 8242 did not seek to accelerate the legislative procedure but proposed stricter requirements for the supporting documents for EU integration draft laws and a more thorough assessment of compliance with Ukraine’s EU integration commitments. Although registered in November 2022 and recommended by the committee, it was never brought forward for consideration. Draft law No. 13653 and its alternative, which propose an expedited procedure by shortening the time allowed to prepare EU integration draft laws for consideration, have not even received a committee opinion. They would effectively give EU integration laws priority and allow them to be adopted in a single reading if neither the parliamentary committee on European integration nor the Government has objections. Parliament evidently lacks the political will to consider these draft laws, despite the declared need and the initiatives already registered. As a result, around one hundred EU integration draft laws are waiting for their turn on the agenda.
The Office of Temporary Fixes
Instead of introducing a comprehensive separate procedure for EU integration legislation, the Verkhovna Rada has relied on half-measures in the form of resolutions. Such resolutions generally address individual organisational issues, whereas a law establishes a coherent regulatory framework for an entire field.
After Ukraine was granted candidate status, Parliament adopted Resolution No. 2483-IX in July 2022 to improve the legislative process. It identifies the approximation of Ukrainian legislation to EU law as one of the Verkhovna Rada’s priorities and the Government as the principal initiator of EU integration draft laws. The Resolution introduced an expert assessment of draft laws’ compliance with EU law before the second reading and required parliamentary committees to establish European integration subcommittees. The effectiveness of these subcommittees is, however, open to question. The Verkhovna Rada also instructed the Cabinet of Ministers to ensure official translations of EU legislation and create a single information database on legislative approximation. Although the Resolution introduced an EU compliance review mechanism for draft laws, it is no substitute for a full legislative procedure established by the Rules of Procedure of the Verkhovna Rada.
In early June 2026, MPs supported Resolution No. 4912-IX, which is intended to strengthen cooperation between the executive and legislative branches. MPs had often complained that the Government did not inform them of forthcoming EU integration plans. The Resolution therefore appears to be a compromise between the Cabinet and Parliament aimed at increasing MPs’ involvement in the process. It provides for ‘parliamentary support’ for the Government’s work on EU integration draft laws and partly addresses Government officials’ accountability to Parliament.
Under the Resolution, the Government must agree amendments to the National Programme for the Adaptation of Legislation to EU Law with the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada or a Deputy Chairman, taking into account the positions of the relevant sectoral committee, the European integration committee and the relevant negotiating group for the chapters concerned. The Cabinet of Ministers must also cooperate more closely with them, including by informing them of the results of consultations with the European Union. In addition, the Resolution requires the Government to submit quarterly reports to the Verkhovna Rada on implementation of the National Programme and the current state of EU accession negotiations. Such reports are unlikely to be considered at a plenary sitting, however, as Resolution No. 4912-IX does not impose this obligation on the Government.
From Fragmentation to a System
The adoption of laws is unquestionably the exclusive power of the Verkhovna Rada, which may choose whether and how to regulate its own activities under the principle of parliamentary autonomy. Yet all these decisions remain fragmented. Parliament is effectively trying to adapt to new tasks through a series of isolated, targeted measures. The workload on the EU integration track will only increase, creating a need for a comprehensive legislative procedure that reflects the specific features of preparing, considering and adopting EU integration draft laws. This would allow Parliament to address a much broader set of tasks systematically instead of wasting time patching up outdated tools.
Parliament’s success on the EU integration track does not depend solely on its ability to press a few buttons. MPs do not have the Government’s bureaucratic resources to prepare article-by-article concordance tables and assess draft laws’ compliance with EU law. The Verkhovna Rada’s progress also depends on the Cabinet’s ability to prepare substantively sound draft laws and make the case for their adoption, a task at which the Government has so far performed poorly. For example, the Kos-Kachka plan, agreed in December 2025, does not yet have a single item completed in full.
Only the Verkhovna Rada can adopt laws, however, so it should have the strongest interest in creating conditions for the smooth and swift adoption of EU integration legislation. A dedicated EU integration legislative procedure would help. It should define what constitutes an EU integration draft law and establish requirements for its supporting documents, including assessments and tables of compliance with EU law. At the same time, an expedited parliamentary procedure must include safeguards against abuse: a minimum period should be set to give MPs and committees sufficient time to examine the text.
Experience also shows that rules and procedures may not be enough. Breaching the Rules of Procedure is commonplace in the Verkhovna Rada. Even today, a significant share of EU integration initiatives remain ‘stuck’ in committees despite their priority status. The effectiveness of the EU integration track will therefore depend not only on the existence of a special legislative procedure, but also on MPs’ genuine willingness to follow it. Otherwise, the ambitious goal of joining the EU in 2027 will remain yet another piece of empty rhetoric.
